Tuesday, December 04, 2007

USA to back Somaliland Independence?

In the following article, the Washington Post says the the US is losing patience with the TFG in Mogadishu, and may turn is dollars and support to the more stable north in Hargeisa. Supporing Somaliland may just be a ploy by the Bush administration to get the TFG to start working harder on reconciliation, or it may be their way to establish another presence in the Horn.

Whatever the case, such a move would embolden the Hargeisa government to annex more and more land between itself and Puntland. This would cause continued strife in this region, and lead to more death and future generations of revenge. This move would also set a precedent of a first-world country supporting a breakaway republic of a single clan from a larger nation. This may cause other groups around Africa and the world to declare independence. That may be a bad sign for the Ethiopian government.

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CAMP LEMONIER, Djibouti - The escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991, U.S. defense and military officials said.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates discussed regional issues during a visit to Djibouti on Monday, including Somalia and the presence there of about 8,000 Ethiopian troops, the officials said. Ethiopian forces intervened a year ago to install the fledgling government in Mogadishu and they continue to fight Islamic radicals in Somalia.

"My biggest concern about Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there," Gates said on his first visit to the Horn of Africa as defense secretary. Asked about allegations of human rights abuses by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, Gates said: "We're obviously very interested in helping the African Union and Ugandans to try and exercise some constructive influence on the Ethiopians."

U.S. military officials say Somalia is the greatest source of instability in the Horn of Africa, leading them to seek new ways to contain the violence there.

One approach, Pentagon officials argue, would be to forge ties with Somaliland, as the U.S. military has with Kenya and other countries bordering Somalia. A breakaway region along Somalia's northwestern coast, Somaliland has about 2 million people and an elected president, and offers greater potential for U.S. military assistance to bolster security, even though it lacks international recognition, they say.

"Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said.

The Pentagon's view is that "Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first -- that's been a failed policy," the official said.

The official U.S. government position is that the United States should withhold recognition from Somaliland because the African Union has yet to recognize it. "We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance," said Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi E. Frazer in an e-mailed response to questions.

The issue is diplomatically sensitive because recognizing Somaliland could set a precedent for other secession movements seeking to change colonial-era borders, opening a Pandora's box in the region.

In Djibouti, U.S. military officials say they are eager to engage Somaliland. "We'd love to, we're just waiting for State to give us the okay," said Navy Capt. Bob Wright, head of strategic communication for the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. The task force is composed of about 1,800 U.S. troops who conduct military training and reconstruction projects such as digging wells and building schools in 11 countries

Meanwhile, the United States continues to back Somalia's weak Transitional Federal Government, set up in late 2004 with support from international organizations and the African Union.

Source: Washington Post

Thursday, November 22, 2007

New Somali prime minister named


President Yusef finally makes his decision on the new PM. Below is a brief overview article of the decision. For more details on Nur Adde, click on this link to the Reuters article.

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A new prime minister has been named in Somalia, three weeks after his predecessor was forced from office.

The new man is Nur Hassan Hussein, a former policeman, who heads the Somali Red Crescent humanitarian organisation.

Mr Hussein, also known as Nur Adde, said he would do his best in a "difficult" job.

He takes office amid a humanitarian crisis in Somalia, where the UN refugee agency says 1m people are now homeless following fighting in Mogadishu.

Islamist insurgents are battling the Ethiopia-backed government forces in the capital.

Some 200 000 people have fled their homes in the past two weeks.

Somalia is so unstable that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon say it is too dangerous to send peace-keeping troops there - even though the Security Council would like to.

Only Uganda has sent troops to an African Union mission but they have not been able to stop the violence.

After his appointment, Nur Adde said: "I pledge to do my utmost to perform the difficult obligations in front of me, by respecting the Somali federal charter."

He is from the Hawiye clan, the largest in Mogadishu, many of whom distrust President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, from the rival Darod group.

The previous prime minister, Ali Mohamed Ghedi, resigned amid intense diplomatic pressure to try to bring stability to the western-backed transitional government - and after losing a power struggle with President Yusuf.

Somalia has not had a functioning national government since President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991.

Written By: claire wanja/bbc

Somali Religious Leaders Make a Long Overdue Statement

Things continue to progress or digress in Somalia. President Yusef has forced PM Gedhi to resign. He got the constitution changed so he can appoint a non-parliament member to the the PM office. We are still waiting. Meanwhile, Mogadishu continues to have outbursts of violence. The head of the UN says no to the idea of a UN peace-keeping force. But the UN security council disagrees. The AU is doing nothing and Ethiopia is expanding their aggression in the Ogaden. Ethiopia and the opposition-supporting Eritrea are make war noise, and Somaliland and Puntland are battling over borders too.

So apparently this is the point when a group of Somali religious leaders decide its time to meet and make a statement calling for peace. A little late. Better late than never? You decide. Below is their statement:

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Full text of a statement issued by Somali religious leaders at the conclusion of a two-day meeting in Hargeisa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland:

We religious leaders from Somaliland, Puntland, and South-Central Somalia meeting in Hargeisa, Somalia, on 17 - 19 November 2007, with support from the Religious Leaders Peace Initiative in the Horn of Africa, with a goal to discuss and find ways in which the religious leaders and women can contribute to resolving conflicts among the Somalis

We have challenged ourselves to use our talents and powers to help our people find effective solutions to the problems of poverty, hunger and diseases; contribute more actively to the removal of socio-political conflicts, civil wars and sub-regional disputes and displacement of the people, and work effectively to enhance human and people's rights, equality and justice.

We want to appreciate the various opportunities created by Islam for people to come together to share ideas and feelings to include at least five praying times a day, a weekly Friday prayer gathering, twice a year Eid meetings where people of Islam come together to integrate ideas, and the final Hajj that the Prophet made and the speech on the gathering emphasizing peace and security.

We commit ourselves to convey the message that Islam is a religion of peace, and accepts other religions, and further commit ourselves to have this message supported by concrete actions, and demonstrate true love and brotherhood among ourselves as Muslims and the Somali people, and to the protection of life and property.

We deplore that the East African region has faced turmoil and conflicts, and that these have impacted negatively on the Somali people who have remained poor, underdeveloped, have had to migrate from their homes into being refugees and IDPs. We further deplore that the conflicts have also generated psychological problems.

We further regret that because of the conflict, the Somali natural resources are being exploited and wasted, and toxic materials dumped on the land and seas, thus degrading the environment.

We pledge from now henceforth to be more active peacemakers and commit ourselves to the process of peace-building to reverse the conflict situation that has affected us as Somali people, by participating in peace processes, and make contributions that advance the cause of peace.

We accept the challenge to advocate for the voiceless and the vulnerable, the cause for peace, the plight of the displaced persons, the marginalized and excluded groups, and upholding human rights and dignity.

We commit ourselves to advance open dialogue, sharing of experiences and information and exchange of ideas on peace and coexistence to the benefit of all Somali people. We further commit to advocate and to raise awareness through the media, research and publications.

We appeal for support to establish, empower and build the capacity of structured regional institutions that target religious leaders from the Somaliland, Puntland, and South and Central Somalia, and further call for the empowerment of religious leaders in conflict resolution, meditation and reconciliation through seminars, workshops and trainings.

We seek to establish partnership and networking relationships with international organizations and agencies for the cause of peace.

We commit ourselves to mobilize our social, moral and spiritual resources, and further seek financial and human support from willing and interested partners as we move toward building substantial peace.

We strongly call for an end to tribalism that fuels conflicts and increases the suffering of our people. We further call all the concerned and relevant stakeholders to put public interests ahead of personal and vested interests.

In conclusion we express our deep appreciation and thanks to the peace and solidarity mission of religious leaders from Rwanda, Uganda, Sudan and Kenya. We also thank ACRL-Religions for Peace, the working group of the Religious Leaders Peace Initiative on the Horn of Africa, and FCA Finland for their support and Government of Somaliland for providing space and opportunity for this historic meeting. We express gratitude to the International Horn University, Center for Community Development and Research, for hosting this event.

May the Almighty Allah help us!

Signed by Somali religious leaders and the leaders of the mission


Tuesday, October 09, 2007

Somali PM strikes deal with Mogadishu clan leaders

Here is the latest attempt by the Somali government to get the Hawiye on their side. I doubt it will work as long as ICU gunmen are on the loose.

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By Aweys Yusuf and Abdi Sheikh

MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Somalia's prime minister has reached a truce with Mogadishu's dominant clan, whose fighters had supported Islamist-led insurgents in battles with government troops and Ethiopian forces earlier this year.

Hawiye clan elders met Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi amid tight security on Monday in the capital, which has been rocked by insecurity since January when his soldiers and their Ethiopian allies routed a hardline Sharia courts group.

Some Hawiye militia have joined remnants of that movement to wage a rebellion since then. But speaking after the talks, Gedi said the clan leaders would now work with his administration to take on the insurgents.

"We agreed a truce and we agreed that we do something about their complaints ... We agreed we work together against anyone carrying out violence," Gedi told reporters late on Monday.

Responding to accusations that government troops have been heavy-handed in their hunt for rebels, Gedi called on his army officers to control their men, who he said should perform their duties with respect and discipline.

Gedi's government -- the 14th attempt to forge central rule in Somalia -- has struggled to impose its authority in the face of roadside bombings, grenade attacks and assassinations.

But rubble-strewn Mogadishu has been relatively calm in recent days, and the outcome of Gedi's meeting with the clan leaders was eagerly anticipated by many war-weary residents.

Hawiye spokesman Ahmed Diriye told Reuters the government and insurgents both had a responsibility to end the violence.

"If the truce gets enforced, I do hope that all people who have political agendas on their mind, opposing the government, will compromise with it," he said.

Story Here.

Monday, August 06, 2007

Debate over radicalism in religion in Somalia

The NRC continues in Mogadishu amidst continual failed efforts of Islamists to derail it. Today's news shows good efforts toward clan reconciliation and important discussion on defining what Islamic radicalism is. But it also shows the likelihood of continued intolerance of religious freedom in the new Somalia.

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MOGADISHU, Somalia Aug 5 (Garowe Online) - Hundreds of delegates participating at Somalia's national reconciliation conference listened to speeches on Sunday regarding the controversial issue of radicalism in religion.

Before the debate, clan delegates said they had forgiven each other for misdeeds accrued over the past 17 years of civil war.

Spokespeople for major Somali clans Hawiye and Darod formally apologized to smaller clans who faced indiscriminate killing, robbery of property and land, rape and other unimaginable acts at the hands of Hawiye and Darod clan militias since 1991.

The interim government has billed the NRC as a "conference of clans" where each and every clan's voice is heard and respected.

The conference is aimed at ending years of civil war amongst various clans but critics doubt any tangible result will come out of the NRC unless important political actors, like the Islamic Courts movement, are included.

Remnants of Islamist fighters are suspected to be leading the insurgency raging in Mogadishu and other Somali towns.

Debate over exactly what constitutes radicalism was heated today at the NRC hall, a former police warehouse refurbished to seat more than 1,300 delegates.

Sheikh Ali Nur said the people of Somalia are 100% Muslim and belong to one faith. He said the use of the term "radicalism" needs to be defined clearly to fit conditions in Somalia, since every Somali cannot be a radical.

Mohamed Ismail, an intellectual, said radical elements must be identified and isolated in society. He accused radicals of being responsible for daily bombings, saying that they are opposed to peace and governance.

The Somali government accuses its Islamist rivals of being "terrorists" and "radicals."

Saturday, July 21, 2007

American Muslim-convert sentenced for terror training

The Somali Reconciliation Conference proceeds as scheduled, despite efforts to derail it by the ICU and Hawiye extremists. In the meantime, an American Muslim-convert who fought with the ICU against the TFG, was sentenced to 10 years in prison in Texas. See the details below:
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HOUSTON -- A U.S. citizen convicted of receiving training at a terrorist camp alongside al-Qaida members in his efforts to help overthrow the Somali government was sentenced Friday to 10 years in prison.

Daniel Joseph Maldonado, 28, a Muslim convert also known as Daniel Aljughaifi and Abu Mohammed, also was fined $1,000.

Maldonado admitted to traveling in December to a terrorist camp in Somalia, where he was trained to use firearms and explosives in an effort to help a group called the Islamic Courts Union topple the government and install an Islamic state. Members of al-Qaida were present at the camp.

Maldonado was captured by the Kenyan military while trying to flee Somalia in January and brought back to the United States in February.

In April he pleaded guilty to a charge of receiving training from a foreign terrorist organization.

Ten years was the maximum prison sentence Maldonado could have received. He faced a fine of up to $250,000.

Federal prosecutor Gary Cobe said after the hearing that the sentence was just.

"We're fighting a war against terrorism. We need to send a message that anyone who gets involved with terrorism will pay the price," he said.

Maldonado's defense attorney, Brent Newton, did not speak to reporters after the hearing.

But before the sentence was handed down, Newton said that while his client is not making excuses for what he did, he went to Somalia and the Middle East only to practice his Muslim faith in peace and not to join a terrorist group.

"He wants it to be known he never intended to hurt Americans," Newton said.

Maldonado declined to make a statement during the hearing.

Maldonado, who grew up in Pelham, N.H., lived in Houston for four months in 2005 before moving with his wife and three children to Cairo, Egypt, then Somalia. Just before his arrest as he and his family tried to leave Somalia and go to Kenya, they became separated. His wife, Tamekia Cunningham, later died of malaria. His three children are being cared for by his parents in New Hampshire.

Defense attorneys described Maldonado as a man who, driven by anti-Muslim sentiment in America after the Sept. 11 attacks, moved away with his family so they could live in peace as Muslims

HorseedNet.com
http://www.horseednet.com/horseednet.php?id=7867

Wednesday, July 18, 2007

Burundi Soon to Deploy the Long Awaited Forces

After endless delays, the TFG is going to get the long promised Burundi forces to help support the AU force. In related news, the AU voted to extend the peace-keepers mission there for another 6 months. The AU is also appealing to the UN to take oversight of the peacekeeping force.

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Burundi Réalités (Bujumbura)
18 July 2007

Bujumbura: On Saturday July 14th, 2007, France's Ambassador to Burundi, Joël Louvet, and the Burundian Minister of National Defence, Lt.-Gen. Germain Niyoyankana signed an exceptional aid convention of 500000 Euros to help convey troops and military equipments to Somalia.

France has made this promise in mid-June while the USA had promised to provide some military equipments including uniforms, boots and bullet-proof jackets and helmets. The promises by the USA and France followed a confirmation by the AU of the troops' technical preparedness for the peace keeping mission.

Burundi troops were ready since May, but were waiting for logistical support which was to be provided by the AU. In an exclusive interview with Burundi Réalités Agence Presse on May 23rd, Mr. Manirakiza Adolphe had stated that the only delay for the deployment was logistical support which was to be provided by the African Union. Many observers doubt whether the African Union has what it really takes to mobilize the troops needed for the mission, hence a probable UN takeover.

In fact, the UN Security Council met on June 14th, 2007 and stressed the urgent need for appropriate contingency planning for a possible UN takeover of peacekeeping in Somalia from struggling African Union (AU) troops.


Monday, July 16, 2007

BBC Bias Continues

Despite efforts against it Somali nationals, BBC's anti-government bias continues to rear its ugly head. See the article that follows to see the latest one-sided reporting, this time about the National Reconciliation Conference trying to get underway in Mogadishu. This article again shows the point of view from the side of anti-government forces. I believe their poor show of journalism is caused by one or more of the following factors:

* Lazy BBC journalists and editors who don't think both sides need to be represented.
* Ignorant non-Somali BBC journalists who have trusted sources that only feed them anti-government interviewees and story lines.
* Staff who don't think any of its readers will really care what they report about Somalia.
* Anti-government Somali BBC staff who have convinced their editors that their viewpoint is the correct viewpoint on the situation in Somalia.

Most appalling in the latest BBC story is the large quote by 'an opposition leader' that reads, "There is no clan conflict at the moment in Somalia but there is a political conflict." Is this really passing as for truth on the BBC? Clan conflict is in fact the MAIN reason why there still exists strife in Somalia. Leaders from around the world, from the AU, IGAD, and the UN all recognized this which is why they called on a clan-based reconciliation conference to be urgently held.

This shifting of the focus from the idea of clan-related to politically-related strife in Somalia by BBC journalism is giving a voice to falsehood and to the continued empowerment by a radical fringe of of Fundamentalists who are dominated by the Hawiye clan. For a more balanced article on the attempted reconciliation conference see the article from the International Herald Tribune here.

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Somali government troops patrol the capital Mogadishu
Security has been stepped up around the conference
A national reconciliation conference in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu has opened - and then adjourned.

Organisers postponed the conference until Thursday to allow more time for all the delegates to arrive.

Several mortar shells landed near the venue on Sunday, injuring civilians, but President Abdullahi Yusuf said violence would not deter the talks.

The main Islamist opposition have refused to attend, saying the venue is not neutral.

Somalia has been without a functioning government for 16 years.

Clan focus

Hundreds of Ethiopian and Somali government troops are patrolling the streets in Mogadishu and guarding the former police warehouse where the talks will be held.

Over 1,000 clan elders, former warlords and politicians from across the country have been invited.

The opposition Islamic Courts, who were driven from the city by Ethiopian and Somali forces and who are now mainly in exile in Eritrea, say they cannot attend because of the presence of their Ethiopian enemies.

There is no clan conflict at the moment in Somalia but there is a political conflict
Yusuf Hassan Ibrahim
Opposition member

A number of delegates from the international community who had planned to attend the opening ceremony were unable to, when their flights were cancelled over security concerns.

When talks begin, they are expected to focus on clan reconciliation, disarmament and sharing natural resources.

But critics say clan conflict is not the major problem and the focus should be on reconciliation between political and armed groups.

"The conference would make sense if it was bringing rival politicians and armed groups to the same table," said Ahmed Diriye, a spokesman for the powerful Hawiye clan.

"But if the idea is to talk about a non-existent tribal conflict, it's a waste of money and energy."

"There is no clan conflict at the moment in Somalia but there is a political conflict," Yusuf Hassan Ibrahim, a member of an opposition alliance linked to the Islamic Courts told the BBC.

"We are calling for a national reconciliation conference which will deal with the differences between the Transitional Federal Government and the other stakeholders, including former parliamentary groups, the Islamic Courts, civil society and the Somali diaspora."

Monday, June 18, 2007

Africans in U.S. caught between worlds




Here's an insightful article from USA Today about the struggles of African immigrants to the US:
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WASHINGTON — They range from surgeons and scholars to illiterate refugees from some of the world's worst hellholes — a dizzyingly varied stream of African immigrants to the United States. More than 1 million strong and growing, they are enlivening America's cities and altering how the nation confronts its racial identity.

Some nurture dreams of returning to Africa for good one day. But many are casting their lot permanently in America, trying to assimilate even as they and their children struggle to learn where they fit in a country where black-white relations are a perpetual work-in-progress.

"To white people, we are all black," said Wanjiru Kamau, a Kenyan-born community activist in Washington, D.C. "But as soon as you open your mouth to some African-Americans, they look at you and wonder why you are even here.

"Except for the skin, which is just a facade, there is very little in common between Africans and African-Americans. We need to sit down and listen to each other's story."

The 2000 Census recorded 881,300 U.S. residents who were born in Africa. By 2005, the number had reached 1.25 million, according Brookings Institution researcher Jill Wilson.

Since 1990, the African population has more than tripled in places as far-flung as Atlanta, Seattle and Minneapolis, where Africans now constitute more than 15% of the black population. The biggest magnets are New York City and greater Washington, including its Maryland and Virginia suburbs; Wilson estimates that the African-born population in each area has soared past 130,000.

As director of the African Immigrant and Refugee Foundation, Kamau deals with some of the most hard-off newcomers — dispossessed refugees from Somalia, Sudan, Liberia, Sierra Leone and other war-ravaged countries. They have been arriving at a pace of roughly 20,000 a year. Many of those from rural areas have never before used modern appliances and, in some cases, can't read or write their native languages, let alone English, she said.

"I cry a lot when I see the people being settled here," Kamau said. "Some are very frustrated, because the culture is so different from what they know."

The flip side of the refugee influx is a wave of sophisticated professionals who also are making their way to the United States. Census data from 2000 shows 43% of Africans in the U.S. have college degrees, higher than the adult population as a whole. Compared to African-Americans, the immigrants' average household income is higher and their jobless rate lower.

They include hardworking couples such as Tigist Mengesha and her husband, Girum — Ethiopians trying to build their own version of the American dream in the mostly black suburb of Suitland, Md.

Girum, 36, was granted asylum in the U.S. in 2002 because of political tensions in Ethiopia.

Tigist joined him two years later, bringing their sons Biniyam and Fitsum, now 7 and 6.

The family had lived comfortably in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, with their own walled home and servants to look after the children while Girum worked as a bank manager and Tigist as an executive secretary.

In Washington, Girum had to resume his banking career at the bottom, as a teller, but has worked his way up to assistant manager and is pursuing a master's degree at a business college.

Tigist is a family counselor at a Head Start center, advising many Ethiopians as well as a few African-American parents. "In some ways, life is harder here," she said. "But we have hope — we are adjusting ourselves to the new situation."

She notes that they can't afford hired help and scramble to raise their sons while working full-time. On the bright side, however, they recently bought a townhouse.

Tigist said her relations with African-Americans have mostly been amicable, though on occasion she has sensed ill-feelings. "Some people, they treat you as if you don't know anything," she said, "as if you're from the jungle."

Lack of knowledge can cut both ways. Tigist is gradually learning details of America's racial history, even watching the TV mini-series "Roots."

"I feel bad about that racism — but when I come here now, I didn't feel it at all. I would never think someone would discriminate against me," she said. "I don't have any bad feelings for black Americans, but I am not one of them. ... I'm not a black American, I'm not a white American. I'm an Ethiopian."

Democratic president candidate Barak Obama, son of a black Kenyan father and white American mother, has wrestled with similar issues. Some skeptics have doubted whether his background will appeal to black voters, and he recalled in his memoirs that he was rebuffed by national civil rights groups when he was younger.

Jacqueline Copeland-Carson, an African-American scholar with Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs at the University of Minnesota, is optimistic that African immigrants and African-Americans will outgrow any strains, which she blames partly on stereotypes.

"Some Africans view African-Americans as violent, lazy, intellectually inferior — U.S. blacks are taught that the Africans are less civilized, not as capable," she said.

"As people get to know each other in churches and mosques and community associations, they're beginning to realize they've been taught lies about each other. They're starting to understand they share many things in common."

In the District of Columbia, as in some other cities, there has been occasional friction between recently arrived Africans and the entrenched, politically powerful black American community.

Some African-Americans bristled at a proposal — subsequently withdrawn — to officially nickname a bustling one-block stretch of 9th Street as "Little Ethiopia." More broadly, civic leaders say there is some resentment among working-class African-Americans who view the newcomers as threats to their jobs in such fields as health care, civil service and hotel work.

"Sometimes it's very overwhelming to the African-American community," said Abdulaziz Kamus, an Ethiopian-born activist who works on numerous immigrant issues. "They feel threatened that we are coming here and demanding jobs. If I was an African-American, I would feel the same thing."

In an overture to the newcomers, the city government last year formed an Office of African Affairs. But even this gesture ruffled some feathers — not all black American leaders felt it was needed, and some Africans say they have been disappointed by a lack of dynamism in the office's first few months of operation.

Bobby Austin, a vice president at the University of the District of Columbia, has been one of a relative handful of prominent African-Americans in the city to delve deeply into the tensions and misunderstandings. He and Kamus have promoted townhall dialogues between members of the two communities; some sessions are to be shown on a local cable channel this summer.

American blacks, Austin said, do not see themselves as immigrants and often do not comprehend the Africans' desire to come here.

"We are going to have to learn a new narrative," Austin said. "We will have to learn to work with them, and they will have to learn to work with us."

While African-Americans trace their presence in America back to the slave trade of the 17th and 18th centuries, the modern surge of Africans dates to the post-independence era of the 1960s and '70s. Persistent conflict and corrupt government in much of Africa prompted more to follow in subsequent years, and the surge increased in the 1990s due to the Diversity Visa Lottery, a federal program boosting immigration from countries that traditionally sent few people.

The largest groups of Africans in the U.S. are from Nigeria, Ethiopia and Ghana, but the influx is diverse. The refugee program, for example, is accepting people from roughly two-dozen African countries each year; more than 200,000 African refugees have been taken in since 1980.

Some Americans, black and white, assume the Africans must share a common culture and outlook with one another, when in fact they may feel no deep bond with another ethnic group from their own country, let alone with Africans from distant corners of the continent. Immigrant leaders trying to encourage solidarity among Africans have found that task challenging.

There has been a wide range of cultural clashes — some serious, some bemusing — as the new Africans fan out across the country. Some polygamous families have managed to settle in the U.S., despite laws forbidding that. Women's rights activists and health officials have been on the lookout for cases of female circumcision — illegal in the U.S. but a common practice in some African regions.

Wanjiru Kamau, the Kenyan activist, says many newly arrived Africans find American culture bewildering. She tells them not to look down, but into the eyes of a person they are speaking to; she has fielded complaints that African nurses, accustomed to the relative din of hospitals in their homelands, talk too loudly on the job in America.

"That's how they talk where they came from," Kamau said. "Sometimes we fail to realize where we are."

Nurses and doctors are among the tens of thousands of well-trained Africans who have settled in America — contributing to concerns that a brain drain to Europe and the U.S. is depriving Africa of badly needed talent. Some of the expatriates say they are doing more good in the United States, where African immigrants earn enough to send back an estimated $3 billion a year to relatives in their homelands.

"The conditions at home often make it difficult to go back," said Nigerian native Ike Udogu, a professor at Appalachian State University who came to North Carolina 36 years ago.

"Here, there are great facilities," he said. "You simply want to do your work in a society where your life is not in danger."

Udogu has a thoroughly Americanized son who just finished college in Indiana. Likewise with Ghana-born Kukuwa Nuamah, 49, of Vienna, Va., a performer and instructor of African dance whose two daughters have completed college in Virginia.

"You can't hear one African accent from our children," Nuamah said. "They go back to Africa and get to know the culture there. When they are here, they feel fully American. ... They have both worlds."

In greater Washington, the Ethiopian and Nigerian communities are large enough so that immigrants could isolate themselves and minimize contact with American culture.

"For me, that's not healthy," said Abdulaziz Kamus, who has tried to encourage African taxi drivers — and other immigrants — to become politically engaged,

"You could be here 20 years, but if you don't start participating, you're not part of America," he said.

"What excites me every day is that I could go protest without fear of deportation or being sent to prison. ... I could lobby, jump up and down, start my own business, and nobody could question me. The country I was not even born in is allowing me to dream."

Source: USA Today

Monday, June 04, 2007

Doctor helps establish Somalia baby hospital

Here's a nice story about Doctor's Without Borders doing good work in Jowhar. Hopefully this is a start of more good things to come in Somali.
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Pediatrician Ruriko Nishino is flanked by fellow members of the medical-aid group Doctors Without Borders at a maternity hospital.
Ruriko Nishino received an e-mail recently from Somalia, which has been in a state of chaos for more than 15 years, telling her the maternity hospital she helped set up there is having an impact.

"There are three to four births now at the hospital," the message said. Nishino reacted with a smile, saying, "There was definitely a need for the hospital."

Nishino, a pediatrician in Bunkyo Ward, Tokyo, was in Somalia from December to March as a member of Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres). She took an active part in the establishment of the maternity hospital there.

Somalian women typically give birth at home in the absence of public medical facilities. One in 10 dies during pregnancy or at the time of delivery, and one in 10 newborns dies within a week after birth, according to the group.

Because of this situation, the group began building a maternity hospital last August in Jowhar, about 90 km north of Mogadishu. The medical center was designed to admit expectant mothers and has surgical facilities.

After some setbacks, the group resumed efforts to build the hospital and interviewed prospective nurses. Equipped with 20 beds, delivery and operating rooms and capable of performing emergency surgery 24 hours a day, the center opened in mid-February.

The first patient was a woman suffering a serious case of gestational toxicosis and high blood pressure.

Doctors thought an immediate Caesarean delivery was necessary, but they had to get the consent of her husband in a country where the majority of people are Islamic and women's rights get little protection.

The husband said, "The operation isn't necessary. If (she) died, that would be Allah's will."

Nishino and other members of the group managed to persuade him to give in. The operation was performed and the mother and baby were discharged safely.

Source: Japan Times

Suicide Bomber Misses Somalia’s Premier...Again


The NY Times is reporting that once again Somali Prime Minister Gedi has survived an assassination attempt on his life, which is at least the 3rd attempt in the past 12 months. The reason the insurgents are targeting him is because he is from the Mogadishu-dominated Hawiye clan. A majority of his own clan is against his role in the transition government, yet he has remained a strident cog in the new government. His stance is a modern 'profile in courage.'

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NAIROBI, Kenya, June 3 — A suicide bomber narrowly missed killing Somalia’s transitional prime minister on Sunday afternoon after he rammed a pickup truck packed with explosives into the gates of the prime minister’s house in Mogadishu, the capital.

The prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, who was inside at the time, was unhurt. However, the explosion killed six of his bodyguards, along with a student at a Koranic school across the street.

Witnesses said that the pickup sped through a roadblock outside Mr. Gedi’s house and that bodyguards opened fire as the truck hurtled onward. It then slammed into a set of gates just feet away from the residence and exploded in a fireball that flattened several buildings and scattered debris for blocks.

Afterward, Ugandan peacekeepers shuttled Mr. Gedi from his house to an undisclosed location. Speaking on national radio, he blamed Islamist militants for the violence.

“These cowards, they’re trying to sabotage our government,” he said. “But we won’t stop our mission to stabilize this country and defeat them.”

Mr. Gedi said the pickup was able to sail through the checkpoints outside his home because it was carrying men dressed in government army uniforms.

“My security guards thought these guys were friends,” he said.

The authorities did not say how many attackers died.

According to Somali security officials, remnants of the Islamist forces that briefly ruled Somalia last year are regrouping and changing their tactics from conventional warfare to terrorist strikes. In December, Ethiopian forces routed the Islamists and helped install Somalia’s weak but internationally recognized transitional government in the capital.

Since then, the Ethiopian troops, thought to number in the thousands, and the government’s fledging security forces have struggled to bring the same level of peace and security that the Islamists delivered.

Many of Mogadishu’s neighborhoods are still bullet-pocked no-go zones, and several government officials, including police chiefs, have recently been assassinated. On Saturday, Mogadishu’s mayor blamed members of the Hawiye clan, the dominant clan in the city, for the killings. Hawiye elders denied it.

A contingent of 1,600 Ugandan soldiers, the first part of a larger African Union peacekeeping force, has been beefing up efforts to protect officials.

It was at least the third time in a year that someone has tried to kill Mr. Gedi, a veterinarian-turned-politician.

UPDATE: American among those killed by U.S. attack

The NY Times is reporting that most of the Somali insurgents killed in the missile attack were Somali's living abroad. These Somali's gain asylum in the west, get indoctrinated by middle-eastern fundamentalists who speak hate freely in their host countries, and then return to their homeland to try to ensure that Somalia continues to be a country of anarchy. It is a shame. But is there any solution?

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MOGADISHU, Somalia - Somali officials confirmed on Sunday that an American was among the suspected Muslim radicals killed on Friday when a U.S. Navy warship fired missiles at a militant encampment in northern Somalia.

The American was not identified, but Hassan Dahir Mohamoud, the vice president of Puntland, the northern Somali region that declared itself semiautonomous in 1998, said that the American's passport had been recovered.

Five other foreigners were also killed in the strike, Mohamoud said, including citizens of Great Britain, Sweden, Morocco, Pakistan and Yemen. Two Somali nationals reportedly survived the U.S. missile strike.

"We have found an American, British, Swedish and some Middle Eastern passports on the corpses," Mohamoud said.

The presence of at least six foreigners among what officials now estimate was a group of perhaps a dozen men who arrived by boat in Puntland Wednesday night raises questions about who the men were and what their purpose was.

Their deaths in a U.S. attack highlights what apparently is an aggressive U.S. military program to help Somalia's government combat a stubborn and growing Islamist insurgency. U.S. forces twice struck suspected militants in southern Somalia in January.

The violence has increased since December, when a U.S.-backed invasion by Ethiopia toppled a fundamentalist Islamic regime that Bush administration officials said was run by al-Qaida.

On Sunday, Somalia's interim prime minister escaped an assassination attempt when a car bomb detonated outside his heavily guarded residence. News reports said five Somali soldiers and two civilians were killed.

Somali officials immediately blamed al-Qaida-linked insurgents for the attack, the second in as many weeks on the prime minister, Ali Mohammed Gedi.

"We have been patient for so long," Gedi later said on a radio broadcast. "We can no longer cohabit with these terrorists. ... We have to eliminate them."

U.S. officials have declined to confirm the U.S. role in Friday's attack on the militants' encampment outside the village of Bargal in a mountainous region 250 miles northeast of Mogadishu.

But Puntland officials on Sunday said they had coordinated closely with American forces about the group.

They said the group came ashore on Wednesday night and was apparently traveling by fishing boat to the tiny coastal nation of Eritrea, where top leaders of Somalia's former Islamist regime are believed to be hiding.

On Friday, the suspected militants came under fire from Puntland security forces, who then alerted the American military base in neighboring Djibouti. After the security forces chased the group up a brushy mountain, a U.S. Navy destroyer floating in the Red Sea fired cruise missiles at their location.

It was unclear whether the militants included any of the three al-Qaida suspects whom U.S. officials are seeking in connection with the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, and who are believed to be hiding inside Somalia.

The clashes in Puntland were the first in the north of the country, which has largely escaped Somalia's recent violence. Somali officials pledged to continue to seek American help to root out other militants.

"The American air strike follows a series of attacks targeting any terrorist group in every hideout," said Mohammud Ali Yusuf, Puntland's finance minister. "We want any help from U.S. without harming innocent people."

"Quite a number of international terrorist groups have been looking for Somalia as an alternative base," said Somalia's foreign minister, Ismail Mohammed Hurre.

By Mahad Elmi and Shashank Bengali
McClatchy Newspapers

Saturday, June 02, 2007

U.S. Strikes Again at Militants in Somalia

American soldiers are back at it, trying to kill militants...this time in Puntland. The Bush Administration's secretive policy in Somalia is at best disjointed. What Somalia needs if for the world to help rebuild the infrastructre of their country. And why don't those American ships turn their attention to stopping the pirates out there from hijacking foreign aid ships?

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From the NY TIMES:

NAIROBI, Kenya, June 2 — American forces struck inside Somalia on Friday, bombarding a mountainous area where suspected militants were hiding out, Somali officials said Saturday. It was the third known American strike on Somali soil this year.

According to Somali security forces, an American warship fired cruise missiles into the area after two boatloads of heavily armed gunmen landed at Bargal, a small fishing village on the north Somali coast, and then escaped into the mountains.

Hassan Dahir, the vice president of Puntland, a semiautonomous region of Somalia, said that eight Islamist militants were killed, including one who was an American citizen, according to documents found on his body.

Mr. Dahir also said that three American Special Operations soldiers were on the ground, helping Somali security forces.

“Three Americans came into the mountains with us,” Mr. Dahir said. “They are counterterrorism experts and they are investigating the computers that the militants were carrying.”

American officials declined to comment on this information. But the operation Mr. Dahir described was congruent with an attack in early January in which American forces bombed an area in southern Somalia and then sent in a small contingent of Special Forces soldiers to investigate the remains of suspected militants. A few weeks later, American forces struck again, trying to kill a militant Islamist leader.

On Saturday, Bryan Whitman, a Defense Department spokesman, said in an e-mail message, “This is a global war on terror and the U.S. remains committed to reducing terrorist capabilities when and where we find them.”

The statement went on to say, “The very nature of some of our operations, as well as the success of those operations, is often predicated on our ability to work quietly with our partners and allies.”

Mr. Dahir said the militants, thought to number around 15, were from Somalia’s recently ousted Islamist administration and that they had come by boat to northern Somalia in an attempt to cross the Gulf of Aden and escape the country.

Among the eight killed, he said, were men from Eritrea, Yemen, England and Sweden. He said that Somali officials contacted American officers in Djibouti, where there is a large American military base, after a gun battle on Friday evening in which the militants wounded four Somali security agents and then melted into the mountains. He said that an American destroyer moored off Bargal fired the cruise missiles into the area.

The strike fit a pattern of a broader American strategy to hunt down Islamist militants in the Horn of Africa, especially Al Qaeda operatives. American officials have accused Islamist clerics in Somalia of sheltering Al Qaeda agents, including the mastermind of the American Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998.

American forces played an influential but behind-the-scenes role in helping overthrow the Islamist movement that controlled Somalia for six months last year. In late December, Ethiopian troops, aided by American satellite imagery and battlefield intelligence, routed Islamist forces. That paved the way for Somalia’s internationally recognized but weak transitional government to take loose control of the capital, Mogadishu, for the first time.

Since then, American warships have been patrolling Somalia’s 1,880-mile coastline. American officials say that several Qaeda suspects are still inside the country.

The attack on Friday punctured what had been a relatively peaceful period for Somalia. Over the past several weeks, life in Mogadishu, the scene of intense fighting in March and April, has been improving, with policemen patrolling neighborhoods and sanitation crews lifting enormous amounts of garbage from the streets. The transitional government said security was finally good enough to hold a major reconciliation conference in mid-June, though there were still some concerns about how to pay for the conference.

Mohammed Ibrahim contributed reporting from Mogadishu.

Friday, June 01, 2007

UN says Somalia rebuilding to cost $2 billion


In this article below, the UN tells the world that it would only take $2 billion to rebuild Somalia.

That's a bargain considering that America spend about $1 billion in Iraq
every month! At that rate we could rebuild Somalia in two months!
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By Prensa Latina

A UN expert has worked out a $2 billion rebuilding plan for Somalia beset for more than 16 years with violence and chaos.

A report by UN Humanitarian Assistance in Somalia Coordinator Eric Laroche indicates that at least $1 billion will be needed for programmes to reduce poverty level in the country.

The final figure includes $666 million for social services and $462 million for security and governorship.

Laroche hoped international donors would provide the required funds to rescue Somalia from misgovernance since President Mohammed Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991.

Experts from more than 60 NGOs and international aid groups are trying to evolve strategies to place Somalia on the way of recovery, reconstruction and development, he said.

Monday, May 28, 2007

Somali's in the U.S.


Here is an interesting editorial on Somali's in America.
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Somalis Call for Bilingual Programs to Help There Community Move Forward
May, 16,2007

For more than a decade the East African nation of Somalia has been plagued by clan fighting, the lack of an effective central government, and most recently by clashes between Islamic insurgents and the provisional central government. It is not surprising that there has been an outflow of refugees, and Somalis are now scattered around the world. In the USA a fast-growing Somali community is trying to integrate itself with the mainstream population, and has called for new bilingual educational programs that can meet the needs of Somali children enrolled in US Schools.

Minnesota currently has the largest Somali population, and that state has responded with a vigorous bilingual educational initiative. Through this initiative the Minnesota Humanities Commission publishes Somali folktales in Somali-English bilingual children's books. The Somali Bilingual Initiative also coordinates with existing bilingual Somali literacy resources, develops audio/visual resources that support the use of the Somali-English children's books in the home, and holds workshops on teaching Somali parents about the importance of books and reading.

Another fast-growing Somali community is located in Seattle, Washington in the Pacific Northwest. Here, Somali community members are calling for the expansion of special bilingual programs that will help their children.

Somali parents in Seattle want increase bilingual support instruction in the class and out of the class. In particular they also would like programs that would make teachers more aware of the cultural nuances that are particular to the Somali community. For example, Somalis are Muslim and many of them do not want their children to learn music and dance in school.

Similarly, some of the Somali families want public school teachers to be knowledgeable and respectful about the particular dress code that is adhered to by Somali immigrants in the US.

According to Somali community leaders it is not just a question of developing in-school programs for school children. They believe that the integration of Somalis into the larger society also depends on making the social bureaucracy of the USA more comprehensible to Somali immigrants.

Currently all of the resource information that immigrant families receive is written in English, and most families just can’t understand what the various documents are all about. Often they throw the important documents way. The Somalis would like to see Somali-language documents offered so that immigrant families would be in a position to take advantage of the information and services that they are entitled to receive.

They also believe that the goal of integration could be better achieved if there were more “community involvement program” such as summer-school and after-school programs.

Despite the obvious differences that exist between the Somalis and the existing US population, the Somalis have some cultural traits that make them well suited for success in America. For example, the Somalis come from a friendly society; they are by and large tolerant, and can easily get along with other cultures.

In addition they have a strong work ethic. They are happy to be in the USA and are working very hard at their jobs. And like other immigrant groups that have come before them, Somali parents want their children to be the best in their class, and are keen to support and follow the educational progress of their boys and girls.

This innate sociability, strong work ethic and interest in education combine to create a sure formula for success in America. Somali community leaders believe that bi-lingual educational programs, improved awareness on the part of educators, a more helpful bureaucracy, and more community programs will help their people to become valuable and respected members of the American society.

Indeed, they already proudly point to Somali children in the Seattle school system who have moved to the heads of their classes, as examples of what this community can offer.

Mohamoud Abdilahi Rooble
Saylacnews Editorial
Seattle Washington
http://www.saylac.com/news/Article4may16,07.htm

Thoughtful Editorial from Nuruddin Farah

Here is an interesting inside look at the situation in Somalia late-2006. Mr. Farah is Somalia's most recognized modern author. Here he gives a balanced view on the past and what must be done to secure peace in his homeland.
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My Life as a Diplomat
By Nuruddin Farah
May 26, 2007



WATCHING from afar, people find it difficult to understand the intractability of the conflict in Somalia. The cycle of violence, almost mysteriously, remains uninterrupted. Peace breaks out. Victory is declared, as it was a couple of weeks ago when President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed’s Transitional Federal Government declared its triumph over the rival Islamic Courts Union and the clan-based militia fighting alongside it. And then the violence quickly erupts again.
In Somalia, it has been clan versus clan, Muslim Somalis versus Christian Ethiopians, for as long as anyone can remember. A recent United Nations report asserted that a dozen or so countries — Egypt, Eritrea and Iran among them — are engaged in trying to destabilize Somalia.

Why can’t Somalia arrest its downward spiral?

Well, let me tell you about my brief time as an emissary between Somalia’s two main warring factions; perhaps it might help explain in concrete — and human — terms why the conflict has become so difficult to solve and why the transitional government, backed by the United States and with the support of Ethiopia, is probably doomed to fail.

My career as an emissary began last July. A man in the executive directorate of the Islamic Courts Union, then in control of Mogadishu, telephoned me in Cape Town, where I now live. (I was born and raised in Somalia.) The man, who shall remain nameless, asked if I would “carry fire between the two sides,” as the Somali idiom has it.

The timing was understandable. Talks between the Islamists and the government had broken down; the Islamists were laying siege to Baidoa, the seat of the government, and Ethiopia was sending troops to defend the garrisoned town.

The choice of a mediator, however, wasn’t so readily apparent. “Why me?” I asked.

“Because the I.C.U. admires your opposition to Ethiopia, Somalia’s archenemy, and because of your avowed interest in peace,” he replied.

And, truth be told, I admired some of what the Islamists had accomplished. Indeed, they had done the impossible: in a series of fierce battles from March to June last year, they had routed the warlords and pacified Mogadishu. For the first time in many years, the city enjoyed peace.

Like many Somalis, though, I also had my reservations about them. Even though almost all Somalis are Muslim, very few embrace the union’s fervent brand of faith: the group supports Shariah law and it treats the federal charter, which is secular, with disdain. Then there was the matter of clan rivalry, which hinted that devotion might be masking politics: the top Islamists belonged to the clans known to be antagonistic to the president’s clan.

Of course, my feelings about the transitional government were also ambivalent. The government came into being in 2004 after a two-year-long national reconciliation conference held in exile. I supported the president’s desire for an African peacekeeping force to stabilize Somalia; at the same time, I was fearful that he was susceptible to pressure from Ethiopia.

Still, the Islamic Courts Union, as my interlocutor told me, was holding out a proposal that just might lead to peace. According to him, the union was offering to let the government move to Mogadishu from Baidoa and to let the president bring with him a force of 1,000 from his home province, Puntland.

I felt this was promising. A peace deal would not just bring stability — it would reduce the opportunities for foreign intervention by Ethiopia, which had thwarted every national and international effort to bring Somalia’s strife to a peaceful end, and by the United States, which seemed inclined to support Christian-run Ethiopia as a bulwark against the Islamists. (It didn’t help, of course, that the union’s defense spokesman had used the red-flag word “jihad” in his firebrand declamations.)

And so I called the office of President Yusuf to request a meeting. When I received a favorable response, I called my Islamist interlocutor to let him know that I would accept the mission. Excited at the thought of doing more than writing about Somalia to keep it alive, I bought my ticket and left for Mogadishu.

When I arrived in Mogadishu in the last week of August, the city appeared calm. That’s not to say that there wasn’t a hint of unease. Residents felt that they were under surveillance. And they were. Drones hovered above the city all night. War, it seemed, was in the offing.

My first meeting in town was with Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys, then the spiritual head of the Islamic Courts Union; he struck me as being more reasonable than many others in the group. In all, I spent three and a half hours in our first meeting, much of it alone with him. We were in an office with a huge escritoire, and we were cramped, sitting very close to each other, a low table on which he placed his notebook and I mine and also our teacups between us, the door left ajar. He leaned forward to enunciate his words with the slowness of someone used to speaking to blockheads. (Perhaps he thought me a halfwit, come from Cape Town, on a dubious peace mission; a fool proposing that he and President Yusuf, his adversary, make up for the sake of Somalia.)

When I told him what prompted my visit, he confessed he had no recollection of agreeing that President Yusuf relocate to Mogadishu with a force from Puntland. The group’s position, he reiterated with emphasis, was that Ethiopia must withdraw its forces from Somalia before anything else could happen. He continued: “We control much of the country and the people are behind us. What does he control, this president, confined to Baidoa?”

THIS was not an encouraging beginning.

My subsequent meetings with the Islamists and their sympathizers were equally frustrating. There was no discussion of the peace plan that had brought me back to Somalia. Instead, the discussions centered on matters they deemed important: whether theaters should be open; whether girls could be permitted to wear jeans or go about unveiled; whether tea houses should play music, or young men watch soccer on television. There was no serious talk of governance.

What struck me in these conversations was the presence of Arabic. These men, I surmised, had received their education in Sudan, Libya or Kuwait. For the first time since the Middle Ages, Arabic was the lingua franca in Mogadishu; Somali was practically a second language.

After my meeting with the Islamists, I headed for Baidoa to meet the president. When we met in his office, across the courtyard from his residence — he emerged dressed in gray, his bearing immaculate, hair groomed with care and face glowing, after a good night’s sleep. (How, I asked myself, was this possible in a town with no modern amenities?)

The president and I sat facing each other, and his intent stare reminded me that he and Sheik Aweys come from the same part of the country; I couldn’t help being mindful that the two of them had engaged in armed skirmishes in the early ’90s, soon after the structural collapse of the state. The sheik had led an Islamist takeover of Puntland; the president, opposing him, had won that round.

The president accepted my offer to open channels between the two sides. But it was another message from him that would ring in my ears: “I know what war is,” he said. “I have fought in three of them. I won’t attack Mogadishu, but if the I.C.U. invades Baidoa, someone will regret it. Tell the sheik this. From me.”

Back to Mogadishu. I met Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, the executive director of the union; also present was the interlocutor who had called me in the first place. Regrettably, my interlocutor would allude neither to our initial conversation, nor to his suggestion that the transitional government move to Mogadishu, with guarantees. As we spoke, officials came and went, some bowing low, others kneeling in deference to the sheik. It was clear that I was in the presence of a power — a power who was unwilling to confirm that he had knowledge of my interlocutor’s offer.

I had to wonder. Was the Islamic union negotiating in bad faith? Had I embarked on a peace mission that was doomed to fail? Or did the powers that be in the Islamic union reject the idea of a rapprochement with the government and forget to tell me? I chose to play dumb, and so I provided the sheik’s secretary with contact information for the president’s men — as if everything else was on track.

The following day, I went to meet Sheik Aweys at his home. I got lost on the way. He lived in a part of town unfamiliar to me. With no paved roads, and with the rains having created ravines with crumbly sides, and with no street names, the entire area was virtually impassable. My driver and I got stuck in the sandy chasms.

After I arrived, the sheik and I talked amicably, with his 2-year-old son sitting on his lap. I dared not share with him the president’s threatening remarks.

Before we parted, he commended me for my “audacious” attempt to bring the Islamic union and the transitional government closer. He suggested not giving up hope, however, adding that there was bound to be further need for my involvement once “the Somali people” routed their enemies, “and you know who these are,” he grinned. I offered to return in a few months.

I didn’t make it back. Over Christmas, Ethiopia, perhaps intending to provide a gift for the festive season to its American ally, invaded Mogadishu and expelled the Islamists. With thousands of Ethiopian troops in the country — and only a few African Union troops from elsewhere — savage battles took place in Mogadishu between the transitional government army (backed by Ethiopia) and the Islamists, supported by clan-based militiamen. Hundreds of people were killed. Now that there has been a lull in the fighting, it is regrettable that President Yusuf has both claimed victory and sworn not to engage in dialogue with the Islamists. I wonder if his refusal to negotiate from a point of strength will come back to haunt him.

Somalis are not religious extremists. But Islam has a revered place in their hearts and minds. The religion has cultural importance — Arabs opened up Somalia for their faith and their commerce around the ninth century; Mogadishu was a cosmopolitan city, where anyone from the Islamic world felt welcome.

Islam also has political importance. With the collapse of the Ottomans, the last Islamic empire, the Europeans — meeting in Berlin in the late 1800s — worked out a system by which portions of Somalia went to Italy, Britain and France. Because Menelik II, Emperor of Ethiopia, pleaded with his fellow Christians, claiming that his country was a Christian island in an Islamic ocean, Ethiopia was, in time, given a share in the land grab, the Somali-speaking Ogaden. This territory has remained the bane of Somalia’s blighted dealings with Ethiopia.

It could be that Sheik Aweys and his fellow Islamists are modeling their struggle on the first Somali to wage an anticolonial war in the name of Islam against Christian invaders. Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan fought for the reinstitution of Somalia’s religious and national dignity. A letter he wrote to the British government in the early years of the 20th century spells out his aims: “I want to protect my own religion. All you can get from me is war, nothing else. We ask for Allah’s blessings. Allah is with me as I write this. If you want war, I am ready; if you want peace, go away from my country.” So what can be done?

For starters, the international community must provide the wherewithal for the African Union to deploy 6,000 or so troops to keep the peace — soldiers who are not from Ethiopia.

But in the end, the only way out of the current impasse is to resume dialogue between the two principal parties to the conflict. I now know from personal experience how difficult this is. President Yusuf has said that the Islamists’ claim to represent a religious constituency does not sit well with his administration.

At the same time, the exiled Islamists are endorsing or openly engaging in violence. Assassinations of political figures, exploding roadside bombs in which peacekeepers or innocent bystanders lose their lives: these must stop.

Both sides must give. Most Somalis believe that the Islamists deserve a place at the table; they have been disempowered through invasion by an occupying force, which must withdraw, the sooner the better.

Genuine negotiations will not be easy. I found this out the hard way. But Somalis must consider the alternative: the violence will continue and the rest of the world will continue to use land as a playground for intervention.

Nuruddin Farah is the author, most recently, of “Knots,” a novel
http://www.saylac.com/news/articlemay2607.htm